(1) From Scannell and Cardiff’s Social History of British Broadcasting (vol. I, p. 118):
“An austere conception of news values continued to govern the selection of material for broadcasting. When news of the quality required was lacking no efforts were made to pad out the bulletins to a standard length. On Good Friday 1930, in the view of the news editors, `there was no news of the normal type or standard for broadcasting, and as a result no news bulletin was given. The announcer simply declared `there is no news tonight”’
(2) From Pixelsurgeon’s flickr stream, echoing an earlier Time Trumpet pastiche, this video.
Just the English language stuff for the moment…
- [ALS+04]
- Avilés, J.A.G., B. León, K. Sanders and J. Harrison. Journalists at digital television newsrooms in Britain and Spain: workflow and multi-skilling in a competitive environment. Journalism Studies, 5(1):87–100, 2004.
- [GL]
- Graham, H. and J. Labanyi. Spanish cultural studies. Oxford University Press.
- [GMW00]
- Gunther, R., J.R. Montero and J.I. Wert. Democracy and the media: A comparative perspective, 2000, type The media and politics in Spain: From dictatorship to democracy, pages 28–84.
- [Max94]
- Maxwell, R. The Spectacle of Democracy: Spanish Television, Nationalism, and Political Transition, 1994. University of Minnesota Press, 1994.
- [PM03]
- Papatheodorou, F. and D. Machin. The Umbilical Cord That Was Never Cut: The Post-Dictorial Intimacy between the Political Elite and the Mass Media in Greece and Spain. European Journal of Communication, 18(1):31, 2003.
- [SC97]
- Semetko, HA and MJ Canel. Agenda-Senders versus Agenda-Setters: Television in Spain’s 1996 Election Campaign. Political Communication, 14(4):459–479, 1997.
- [Smi06]
- Smith, P.J. Television in Spain: From Franco to Almodovar, 2006. Tamesis Books, 2006.
- [Zab00]
- Zabaleta, I. Contemporary Spanish Cultural Studies, 2000, type Politics and television news in Spain. Hodder Arnold, 2000.
Generated by Pybliographer
Welcome decision from the Sarkozy government, which clarifies that any reforms to the governance of France Télévisions will not curtail the term in office of group president Patrick de Carolis.
Interesting suggestions for reform of the electoral system used for the European Parliament elections found here at RENA:
- twenty-one electoral districts, with
- at least one seat per district, with
- remaining (57?) seats distributed in proportion to population, thus
- increasing the effective threshold, if not the legal threshold;
- and introducing a quota for female representation
We’ve seen before that Italian politicians don’t know much about the electoral systems of other countries. Now we see that they don’t know much about federalism in other countries either. According to Umberto Bossi,
“Senza il federalismo fiscale, c’e’ il rischio reale che il Paese diventi come l’Argentina…”
“Without fiscal federalism, there’s a real risk that this country will become like Argentina”
Of course - as a moment’s glance at Wikipedia would suggest - Argentina already has a system of fiscal federalism. One which is derided as inefficient.
Once upon a time, there were party newspapers: funded by the parties, staffed by the parties, sold to party sympathizers. Or, there were partisan rags, which even if they didn’t have a party connection, seemed as if they did.
According to a number of (predominantly-American) social scientists, partynewspapers declined as the capital costs of launching a newspaper increased with developments in printing technology. The parties couldn’t pony up the money, so they left.
You would think, following the same logic, that television would be pretty immune to party-politicisation: after all, the start-up costs are immense, aren’t they?
At least, they used to be immense. Greater bandwidth and the sharply falling costs of camera technology means that broadcasting isn’t so expensive anymore. It’s certainly not expensive to you if you have support from the state, and are content to settle from limited hours of broadcasting on satellite.
And so, somehow, Massimo D’Alema believes that his faction within the Democrats can be helped if he and some friends run a television station. It’s pretty audacious, I must say.
Repubblica gives some excellent reportage/hearsay which shows three things:
- generally, preference voting is supported by parties with better grassroots organisation;
- generally, preference voting is supported by non-leadership groups within parties;
- specifically, in the Italian case, preference voting is supported by the non-Veltroni factions in the PD, and the AN within the PdL.
Of course the BBC won’t reveal details of its lobbying operations following a FOIA request. It’s a very buttoned-up organisation when it comes to dealing with government. More surprising is that they’re contracting out at all when, as Adrian Monck notes, they have their own public affairs department.
Poll shows that 71% of respondents are opposed to presidential nomination of the head of France Télévisions. 11% have no opinion; 18% agree with Sarkozy that it is “logical” that the state should name the head of a corporation it owns.
Unfortunately Le Parisien does not provide the text of the questions asked; Le Monde is somewhat more helpful, but one would have to see the questions to ensure that the wording wasn’t skewed.
