
“What I cannot create, I do not understand”



\[ \theta \sim N(\alpha + \beta \cdot \tilde{x}, \sigma) \]
\[ \theta \sim N(\color{#EB641E}{\alpha} + \beta \cdot \tilde{x}, \sigma) \]
\[ \theta \sim N(\alpha + \color{#EB641E}{\beta} \cdot \tilde{x}, \sigma) \]
\[ \theta \sim N(\alpha + \beta \cdot \color{#EB641E}{\tilde{x}}, \sigma) \]
\[ \theta \sim N(\alpha + \beta \cdot \tilde{x}, \sigma) \]
\[ 0 \le \beta \le 1 \]
“Parties are repulsed away from the share-weighted average position of all parties larger than them”
\[ \theta^{\ast{}}_j = \frac{\sum_{i=1}^j s_i \theta_i}{\sum_{i=1}^j s_i} \]
Party position
|
System position
|
Lagged system position
|
|||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Seat share | θ | SE(θ) | θ*j | SE(θ*j) | θ*j-1 | SE(θ*j-1) |
| Conservative | 0.523 | 0.987 | 0.145 | 0.987 | 0.145 | NA | NA |
| Labour | 0.368 | -0.870 | 0.206 | 0.221 | 0.120 | 0.987 | 0.145 |
| SNP | 0.089 | -0.846 | 0.179 | 0.124 | 0.111 | 0.221 | 0.120 |
| Liberal Democrats | 0.013 | -0.211 | 0.168 | 0.120 | 0.109 | 0.124 | 0.111 |
| Plaid Cymru | 0.005 | -0.937 | 0.178 | 0.115 | 0.109 | 0.120 | 0.109 |
| UKIP | 0.002 | 1.580 | 0.175 | 0.117 | 0.109 | 0.115 | 0.109 |
| Green | 0.002 | -1.319 | 0.220 | 0.115 | 0.108 | 0.117 | 0.109 |
\[ \begin{align} \theta_j \sim N(&\alpha + ... + \\ &\rho \cdot{} \theta^{\ast{}}_{j-1} + ..., \\ &\sigma) \end{align} \]
\[ \begin{align} \theta_j \sim N(&\alpha + ... + \\ &\color{#EB641E}{\rho} \cdot{} \theta^{\ast{}}_{j-1} + ..., \\ &\sigma) \end{align} \]
\[ -1 \le \rho \le 0 \]



\[ \log(\sigma_j) = f(s_j) \]
Strategy: combine these sources using a dynamic latent trait model (Reuning, Kenwick, and Fariss 2019)
Outputs: standardized measures on an economic left-right scale which approximately follow a standard normal distribution (mean ~ 0, SD ~ 1)
Trivia question: what, on a 0-10 scale, is the position of the median voter in the 2019 Australian election?
Trivia question: what, on a 0-10 scale, is the position of the median voter in the 2018 Swedish election?
Trivia question: what, on a 0-10 scale, is the position of the median voter in the 1988 Swedish election?
Trivia question: what, on a 0-10 scale, is the position of the median voter in the 1987 Australian election?
“You 1987-Aussie, you put this party - score +0.63 - at position 6; you put this party [score -0.2] at position 3, so when you say you are a five, that probably means you’re at 0.2 yourself”
| Seat share weights | |
|---|---|
| α: Intercept | 0.243 [0.142, 0.343] |
| αF: Intercept, first party | 0.063 [-0.027, 0.153] |
| β: Mean voter position | 0.890 [0.601, 1.176] |
| βF: Mean voter position | 0.462 [0.203, 0.725] |
| ρ: Repulsion | -0.922 [-1.008, -0.832] |
| ω: Increment | 0.730 [0.678, 0.781] |
| p: Mixing parameter | 0.499 [0.420, 0.577] |
| δ1: Intercept on log SD | 0.038 [-0.090, 0.170] |
| δ2: Coef. of share² on log SD | -8.401 [-10.444, -6.408] |
| δF1;: Intercept on log SD | -0.636 [-0.934, -0.313] |
| δF2: Coef. of share² on log SD | -3.532 [-5.452, -1.640] |
| σk: SD, country intercepts | 0.203 [0.120, 0.292] |
| σkt: SD, country-by-year intercepts | 0.026 [0.002, 0.065] |
| Num.Obs. | 2406 |
| LOOIC | 568.439 |
| SE.LOOIC. | 17.173 |
| max.Rhat. | 1.004 |
| mean.Rhat. | 1.001 |
N = 7








I asked 22 EPOP attendees to evaluate seven fictitious countries’ party systems.
They had to say whether these party systems were fake or real.
On average, half were fake, half real.
Across 154 guesses, the average proportion of correct guesses was 54.9%.
This is not significantly different from the proportion one would get by chance (50%) (95% CI: 44.8 - 65).
chrishanretty.co.uk/epop2025/